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        #137: Cleveland Opposes Anti-Immigration Laws and High Tariffs

        作者:Frank Beardsley 發布日期:6-28-2013

        A drawing of Chinese immigrants in New York City
        A drawing of Chinese immigrants in New York City

        BARBARA KLEIN:? Welcome to THE MAKING OF A NATION - American history in VOA Special English.

        In our last program, we told you how the flow of immigration to the United States began to change in the eighteen eighties. Before then, most of the immigrants came from central and northern Europe. From Britain, Ireland, Germany and the Scandinavian countries.

        在十九世紀八十年代赴美移民潮發生變化前,大多數到美國的移民來自中歐和北歐,如英國、愛爾蘭、德國和斯堪的納維亞半島諸國。

        The largest number came from Britain. They found it easy to settle in a country that, until seventeen seventy-six, was a collection of British colonies. The newcomers from Britain shared the same language with the Americans and many of the same traditions. Some of these early immigrants were skilled workers who found good jobs in American industry. Others were farmers who came to America for free land.

        其中最多的是英國人,他們發現在美國安家比較容易,畢竟,1776年之前,美國還是英國的殖民地。英國新移民和美國人說同樣的語言,有許多相同的傳統。早期移民中有一些是技術工人,他們很容易在美國企業中找到好工作,而其他一些移民則是農民,來美國是為了免費獲得土地。

        This week in our series, Robert Bostic and Jack Weitzel continue the story of immigration in the United States.

        ROBERT BOSTIC:? After eighteen eighty, the flood of immigration from northern and central Europe began to fall. Now, most immigrants were coming from eastern and southern Europe. From Russia, Poland, Romania, Italy, Greece.

        1880年之后,從中歐和北歐來的移民開始減少。代之而起的是東歐和南歐移民,如來自俄羅斯、波蘭、意大利和希臘的移民。

        These new immigrants were different from those who came earlier. Most did not speak English. Most were poor farmers who had few special skills. Most had little or no education.

        這些新移民與先前的移民有很大的不同,他們大多不會說英語,很多人是貧窮的農民,沒什么特別技能,也沒受過什么教育。

        They were, however, good workers. They did not protest working long hours for low pay. They did not demand better working conditions. They usually refused to join labor unions or take part in strikes.

        然而,這些人卻是極好的勞工,他們不會抗議長工時和低報酬,不會要求改善工作環境,通常拒絕參加工會或罷工。

        JACK WEITZEL:? American factory owners were pleased with the new immigrants. They gave them jobs formerly held by higher-paid American workers. The owners asked the new workers to write letters to friends still in the old country, urging them to come to America.

        美國的工廠主對這些新來的移民非常滿意,他們把原本由高工資的美國人所擁有的工作崗位給了這些新移民。他們還讓這些新移民給家鄉的親戚朋友寫信,叫他們也來美國。

        And they came by the hundreds of thousands to take jobs in steel factories in Pennsylvania and the coal mines of West Virginia. They worked in the lumber camps of Michigan and in the stockyards and the meat-packing plants of Chicago.

        結果,數十萬移民涌向美國,他們在賓夕法尼亞的鋼鐵廠、西維吉尼亞的煤礦、密西根的伐木廠和芝加哥的養殖場和肉食加工廠干活。

        American workers then began to protest, as their jobs were filled by immigrants who were happy to work for less money.

        美國人的工作崗位被這些愿意接受更低工資的新移民奪走了,于是美國的工人開始抗議。

        ROBERT BOSTIC:? The protests were especially bitter on the pacific coast where thousands of Chinese immigrants were settling in California.

        這種抗議在太平洋沿岸的加利福尼亞異常激烈,那里居住著成千上萬的中國移民。

        The Chinese arrived there after eighteen fifty to help build western railroads. After the railroads were completed, these Chinese new-comers turned to other jobs. More came every year. By the eighteen seventies, California's political leaders were demanding an end to further immigration from China.

        中國人是1850年后移民到加州的,當時是為了幫助修建西部鐵路。鐵路建成之后,這些中國移民轉而尋找其它工作。每年又有更多中國人移民到此。到十九世紀七十年代,加利福尼亞的一些政界領導人要求停止接納中國移民。

        In eighteen eighty-two, Congress passed a law that barred Chinese immigration for ten years. The law was extended for another ten years then made permanent.

        1882年,美國國會通過了一項法律,禁止在十年內接納任何中國移民。此后這項法律又延長了十年,后來干脆成了永久性法律。

        JACK WEITZEL:? The immigration law of eighteen eighty-two put other limits on immigration. It closed the country to criminals, the mentally ill, and persons who could not support themselves. Later, others were added to this list. Persons with diseases. Anarchists. Alcoholics.

        1882年的這項移民法還對其它國家的移民提出了限制,不允許罪犯、精神病人和不能自食其力的人移民美國。后來,又把病人、無政府主義者和酗酒者增補到被限對象中。

        This, however, did not greatly reduce immigration from eastern and southern Europe. And opponents of immigration demanded stronger action.

        然而,這一切并沒有大幅度減少東歐和南歐移民的數量。于是,反移民者要求政府采取更強硬的手段。

        Some proposed a literacy test. Immigrants would have to show that they could read and write. An immigrant who could not, would not be permitted to enter the country.

        有些人建議對移民進行文化水平測試,移民必須證明他們具備讀寫的能力,否則就不能移民到美國。

        Henry Cabot Lodge
        Henry Cabot Lodge

        ROBERT BOSTIC:? Senator Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts urged Congress to pass such a law. In a Senate speech, lodge said:

        麻薩諸塞州的參議員亨利.卡伯特.洛奇極力敦促國會通過這樣的法律,他在參議院的一次演講中說:

        "If we care for the welfare, the wages, or the standard of life of American workingmen, we should take immediate steps to limit foreign immigration. There is no danger to our working men from the coming of skilled workers or of trained and educated men. But there is a serious danger from the flood of unskilled, ignorant foreign labor.

        "如果我們關心美國工人的福利、工資和生活水平,我們就應立即采取措施限制外國移民。那些具有良好的技能、受過訓練或教育的移民對美國工人不構成威脅,但那些什么技能也沒有、無知的外國勞工則會給美國工人帶來很大的危險。"

        "This labor not only takes lower wages, but accepts a standard of living so low that the American working man cannot compete with it."

        他還說:"這些勞工愿意接受更低的工資和很差的生活水平,因此美國工人無法與他們競爭。"

        Senator Lodge continued.

        "A literacy test will bear very lightly, if at all, upon English-speaking immigrants or Germans, Scandinavians and French. The races which would suffer most under a literacy test would be those with which the English-speaking people have never united, and who are most different from the great majority of the people of the United States."

        對于會說英語的移民,或者是德國、斯堪的納維亞半島的移民和法國移民來說,這種文化水平測試是非常輕松的。而對那些與我們絕大多數美國人非常不同,和英語民族沒什么關聯的人來說,這種文化水平測試才是最困難的。

        Congress passed the proposal. President Cleveland, however, vetoed it. He said the nation had nothing to fear from immigrants who could not read or write. He said there was greater danger from some of the educated immigrants who urged violence and anarchy.

        國會通過了這項建議,然而,克利夫蘭總統否決了它。他說,美國不必害怕那些不會讀書寫字的移民,對美國而言,更大的危險來在于那些接受過教育卻鼓吹暴力和無政府主義的移民。

        It took a number of years before Congress was able to pass a law demanding a literacy test for immigrants.

        結果,直到很多年以后,美國國會才通過法律,要求對移民進行文化水平測試。

        Grover Cleveland
        Grover Cleveland

        JACK WEITZEL:? Another problem troubled President Cleveland. High tariffs -- taxes on imports.

        Soon after his election, Cleveland decided to learn what he could about the tariff. "I'm sorry to say," said Cleveland, "but the truth is, I know nothing about the tariff."

        Cleveland studied all the information he could find about the tariff. He found that the tariff was used not only to get money for the government, but to protect American industry from foreign competition. The tariffs had been raised so high that they were producing more money than the government needed.

        Cleveland decided that high tariffs were wrong. He told other democratic leaders that he would try to get them reduced.

        The politicians warned him not to try. They said he would only lose the support of businessmen. They said he would need campaign money from business if he expected to be elected president again. But Cleveland rejected their advice. He said, "What is the use of being elected or re-elected, if you don't stand for something."

        ROBERT BOSTIC:? So, late in eighteen eighty-seven, Cleveland sent a tariff message to Congress.

        He said it was wrong to raise more tax money than the government needed. When this happens, he said, money is withdrawn from the people's use and kept in the public treasury, where it does no good. It threatens the economy and invites dishonest attempts to use the money for private interests.

        The government, he said, received most of this unnecessary tax money from tariffs. He said the present tariff laws were vicious, unfair, and illogical. He said they raised the prices of all imported goods which could be taxed. They also led American manufacturers to raise their prices as high as those charged for imported goods.

        Cleveland said some men had become rich, because protective tariffs let them charge high prices. He noted that American businessmen like to talk about the strength and success of American industry. But he said that when the question of the tariff is raised, businessmen claim that industry is weak. They say they cannot compete with low-priced foreign products.

        JACK WEITZEL:? Cleveland said he did not propose that all tariffs be ended. He said some were needed to raise money for the government. And he said some industries could not exist unless they were protected by tariffs. But he said tariffs should not let some industries make huge profits.

        Cleveland warned that it would be far better to make safe, careful, and intelligent changes in the tariff laws now. Otherwise, he said, there might come a time when an angry public would demand radical and sweeping changes.

        ROBERT BOSTIC:? The House of Representatives moved quickly to pass a moderate bill that would reduce many of the tariffs. The legislation -- called the Mills Bill -- was exactly what Cleveland wanted. But the bill ran into trouble in the Senate, where Republicans had control.

        Senator William Allison, a Republican from Iowa, proposed a different tariff bill. It was one that would increase tariffs...not reduce them.

        The Senate debated the tariff question for months. And since it was eighteen eighty-eight -- a presidential election year -- the tariff became an important election issue.

        The Democrats promised low tariffs that would mean lower prices for the people. The Republicans defended high tariffs, which they said were necessary to protect American industry and labor.

        The Democrats nominated Grover Cleveland for another four-year term. The Republicans held their nominating convention two weeks later.

        That will be our story next week.

        (MUSIC)

        BARBARA KLEIN:? Our program was written by Frank Beardsley. The narrators were Robert Bostic and Jack Weitzel. You can find our series online with transcripts, MP3s, podcasts and images at www.squishedblueberries.com. You can also follow us on Facebook and Twitter at VOA Learning English. Join us again next week for THE MAKING OF A NATION -- an American history series in VOA Special English.

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